Thesis: Nirvana’s Use of Creative Expression in Promoting an Ideology


The Mainstream: They Know Not What It Means
Nirvana’s Use of Creative Expression in Promoting an Ideology

TLDR: This is a thesis paper that discusses Nirvana's ridicule of mainstream media, using their own music and performances.

Part I

Introduction

Genesis of the Problem

Music has always invited me into an unexplored universe, a window into another person’s life and perspective. It has been a place of both refuge and enjoyment, an aural utopia that provides a way for me to understand an experience outside my own. Music is a medium where I can learn about others without having met them, and understand their experiences even if I have not experienced them myself.

            I was very young—maybe nine or ten—when I really started getting into music, but it was not until Ninth Grade when I began to understand that some groups of musicians shared similar feelings and values. The bands I was attracted to that shared these qualities in their music were grouped under the moniker of “Grunge,” a culture of music that began in Seattle in the early 1990s. The term Grunge, in my opinion, was mostly a definition of lifestyle—dirty clothes, long hair—and heavy, melancholic music. I was never into the lifestyle of the scene, only the music and lyricism, and consequently, the messages that were embedded within them.

            The bands of the Grunge culture were somewhat enigmatic. Many shunned success, preferring the company of fellow Seattle musicians as opposed to becoming part of the mainstream. Kurt Cobain, the principle icon of the movement, spelled the term success as “s-u-c-k-s-e-g-g-s” in his writing. Despite this attitude, the music of his band, Nirvana, exploded into the mainstream in the early nineties, much to the surprise of him and his band-mates. Many critics wrote that his was the voice of a new generation of rock ‘n roll that brought alternative rock into the mainstream. 

            I have always wondered: what was it about Nirvana’s music that the critics and public adored? Was it Nirvana’s dirty, indifferent image, as described by journalists and portrayed by the media? Or was it something deeper, more emotive, such as the lyrical content of their work? There were many questions that deserved to be answered, but finding the answers to all of them would be beyond the scope of the project.

Tentative Statement of the Problem

As I began to research the band in preparation for this project, I found that the members of the Nirvana made remarks and displayed types of behavior that carried many consistent themes. The band was pro-feminist and anti-homophobic, and they also cared deeply about the artistic merits of their work, as opposed to success. The band’s statements and actions created an ideology: a set of beliefs and attitudes about how to respond to the external world. It piqued my interest. What was the ideology of the band Nirvana in the early 1990s?

Overview of Indices Used

The Hiram Library’s microfiche collection contained several issues of the Rolling Stone (a magazine dedicated to music and culture) that were helpful in forming the research question. Hiram’s Interlibrary Loan system also provided copies of articles from Spin, a magazine that provides music coverage. Fourteen books on the subjects of music and culture came from Hiram’s Ohiolink system. Some of the most helpful were Rock ‘N’ Roll: Year by Year, which chronicled the major events in rock history via columns in popular magazines, and Live Through This, which examined the rock music scene in the 1990s. From the researcher’s personal collection came the biography Heavier Than Heaven and a Rolling Stone anthology, Cobain.  

            Academic Search Premiere, Communication and Mass Media Complete, Humanities International Complete, and ArticlesFirst provided articles from the Rolling Stone, Spin, Newsweek, and the Utne Reader. The engines also provided articles from scholarly journals such as Musical Quarterly, the Chronicle of Higher Education, Midwest Quarterly, and the Journal of Cultural Geography.

            Certain key words were essential in finding material. Bands and musicians that were important in Grunge culture were used as search terms and combined with other search terms such as “interview,” “grunge,” “culture,” “music,” “Seattle,” “art,” film,” “fashion,” “youth,” and “rock.” The authors of the results were subsequently also used as search terms.

            The review of literature was divided into four sections: (1) Standpoint Theory (2) the Ideology of Punk Rock, (3) Grunge Music and Culture, and (4) Nirvana and their Impact on Music Culture.

Literature Concerned with the Problem

Standpoint Theory

Em Griffin, author of A First Look at Communication Theory, defined a standpoint as “a place from which we view the world around us…a specific location in time and space where observation takes place while referring to values or attitudes” (Griffin 482). The place that Griffin referred to affects people’s views of the world and interpretations of their experiences, and how people perceive and construct their social worlds (Allen 831). However, a standpoint is not necessarily the product of one person’s understanding of the world. Social groups also offer a standpoint that unites its members and gives them a perspective from which they can share attitudes and a worldview. Standpoint theory examines how groups in different positions in society view, explain, and perceive social relationships. Different locations in the social hierarchy are affected by the likelihood that their perspective will be understood and seen by social groups with standpoints different than their own (Griffin 482-485).

            Standpoint theory evolved from the ideas of several philosophers, including Georg Hegel, Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, and Georg Lukacs, beginning in the early 19th century. Hegel postulated that those in captivity (slaves) have very different perspectives than those in charge (masters), but those who are in control have the power to control history and the visibility of the perspectives of those in captivity (Griffin 483-484). He claimed that those who are oppressed are at an advantage because of the strife that they must face (Cameron 21). Marx and Engels furthered the concept by writing that those who are impoverished have an ideal understanding of society (Griffin 482-485), and Marx in particular took the master-slave relationship of Hegel and used it as a metaphor for the relationships of social classes (Cameron 21).

            Women as an oppressed group have come under the scrutiny of standpoint theorists since the 1960s and 1970s, when feminists began to formulate ideas of class separation into a method of studying women’s struggle under the subordination of men. There are many variations of feminist standpoint theory, but they are all unified under the idea that knowledge comes from relationships of power and social location. Nancy Hartsock, in 1983, wrote of the characteristics of standpoint theories and that women have a privileged standpoint, and that feminist standpoint theory prioritizes the experiences of the underprivileged as the core component of research (Allen 832-833). Hartsock, Alison Jaggar, and Sandra Harding contributed the idea that women are cognitively privileged and that “gender-specific forms of oppression allow women insights systematically denied to men” (Cameron 19). Harding, in particular, argued that “through their oppression, women are exposed to experiences from which men are sheltered…the oppression they share with other women both invites and forces them to develop a language in which they can share insights…” (20).

            These oppressed groups are not helpless in responding against their oppressors. Bonnie Mitchell and Joe Feagin theorized that “subjugated groups will generate a ‘culture of resistance’ that represents a ‘coherent set of values, beliefs, and practices which mitigates the effects of oppression and reaffirms that which is distinct from the majority culture’ ” (Martinez 541). These oppressed groups create a new reality outside of the oppressor’s reality in order to express themselves. Mitchell and Feagin asserted that forms of resistance can extend into creative expression through many different mediums, such as “voice, dance, or visualization” (Martinez 541). The theorists wrote that many cultures of opposition use art, music, and their own philosophies to promote their ideas (Martinez 542).

            Standpoint Theory evolved out of a diverse spectrum of philosophers. More recently, women have begun to make a special mark in the theory by contributing their experiences as an oppressed group. Standpoint Theory has brought the division between the oppressed and their oppressors into the light from the darkness of those in control. These groups are aware of their oppression, and have many creative outlets available to resist their oppressors. One of these outlets is music.

The Ideology of Punk Rock

1970s’ Punk Rock in England was a response to the mainstreaming of rock music, and punks were especially critical of rock musicians who detached themselves from their fans and backgrounds. Punks believed that rock ‘n’ roll was meant for artistic self-expression and that rock stars had become devoid of substantial artistic integrity. To punk musicians, their music was an art form used to criticize rock musicians who detached themselves from their art and criticize society in general. The English politics of the dole, sexism, social apathy, and racism were frequently addressed, sometimes through lewd behavior. For instance, the inciting remark that led Steve Jones of the Sex Pistols to swear on British television during an interview was a talk show host’s sexual innuendo toward Siouxsie Sioux, a popular female punk musician. Rock Against Racism, an outdoor concert that enabled individuals to publicly oppose racism, was organized by punks (Simonelli 127-144). Many punks followed left-wing political ideologies to try to change the status quo (127).

Musically, punk rock was dominated by “fast playing, ‘dirty’ production, and an often sloppy, unrehearsed instrumentation” (Matula 21). Early punk acts like the Sex Pistols were widely known to commit outrageous and sometimes violent acts, both on and off the stage. Put simply, punks “loved to be offensive” (Simonelli 125) and relied heavily on shock value to reach audiences (Matula 24-25); for example, punks wore provocative clothing and symbols such as the swastika—not to promote Nazi ideology, but to offend as many as possible— and were booked in country and western clubs just to offend the club’s audience. They also shattered glass onstage, sometimes injuring audience members as well as themselves. Actions such as these were public sins in England, and the Sex Pistols were quickly banned from the BBC radio and television networks. The band’s openly disrespectful and rebellious nature earned them a reputation of violence throughout England (Simonelli 121-144).

Punk music was essentially anti-mainstream, so when punk bands attempted to reach wider audiences, they encountered a paradox—the anti-mainstream ideology of the music did not match the ideology of becoming popular and becoming mainstream. Music newsletters were quick to point out that punk bands were enticed by money as easily as the rock stars that they abhorred (130). 

Punk idealism got its rebellious start in 1976, but by 1977, it had already become “the sound of the moment” (137). Despite the attempts to shock and offend the mainstream, punk ideals were eventually co-opted into the mainstream British culture that they rallied against. Eventually, punk behavior, politics, and musical sound became the standard rather than a shocking statement against the status quo; Punk Rock became the mainstream music that it originally fought against, and punk musicians were categorized as “dole-queue kids, bored and frustrated and taking out their aggressions on their guitars” (129). Several bands latched on to the hype, changing their songs and style in order to get an audience and record deal (121-144).

English Punk Rock in the 1970s was a rebellion against the mainstream, rock stardom, and society in general. The musicians and followers of this movement used music and performance to shock their audiences. Eventually, the punk rebellion turned against itself by becoming part of the mainstream that it sought to destroy, which, in effect, led to the self-destruction of the movement. The ideals of the movement did not die, however, and re-emerged in the Grunge culture of Seattle, Washington.

Grunge Music and Culture

The Grunge movement took place in Seattle, Washington, a city that promoted art forms ranging from museums to opera houses (Azerrad 44). Mark Seliger of the Rolling Stone described the city as “America’s premier haven for eccentrics, youthful freaks and genial space cases—a kind of cultural Mars” (Seliger 3). The low cost of living in the 1980s encouraged musicians to move to Seattle in order to play music (Azerrad 43-50). The bands Alice in Chains, Pearl Jam, Nirvana, and Soundgarden were the driving forces behind the movement to the public outside of Seattle (43; Foege 104). According to Mark Azerrad, a journalist for the Rolling Stone, the Grunge movement began in 1986 with the release of the compilation album Deep Six. It featured the band Soundgarden and the future guitarists of Pearl Jam. According to Chris Cornell, the principal songwriter of Soundgarden, it marked that Seattle had a “way cooler scene than anywhere else” (Azerrad 48). From the accounts of several Grunge artists, the bands got along well, playing music together and even talking about what they loved and hated in each others’ music (44-48). Mark Arm of Mudhoney said that the bands at the time were inbred because they shared ideas and played music in each others’ basements (44).

Due to the media exposure and the amount of coverage by the press, the Grunge culture was quickly discovered, mainstreamed, and destroyed (Bell). The scene began to spiral when bands embarked on long national tours; by the time one band returned, another would have left the area to go on tour. This cycle broke up the community that kept the bands in the area connected. The influx of new bands into the scene was also part of the problem. The popularized Grunge culture not only offered new music to the masses, it also invited musicians from other cities to come looking for work (Azerrad 43-50), many which only seemed to want to cash in on the scene’s success. Cornell’s opinion was that “…what’s come in after [the original Seattle bands’ success] was never part of the scene to begin with” (48). As Jonathan Poneman, co-founder of the influential Seattle label Sub Pop, put it, “…a lot of bands here are starting to suck. So many of them are trying to conform to what a Seattle band should sound like” (48).

The Grunge scene’s final year has dually been called a “…happy ending in that the bands that started it are all having great success” (Azerrad 48), and “rock-tragedy central” (Foege 103), due to the many deaths that occurred over the course of the movement. By the end of 1994, the Grunge scene had faded, according to the Rolling Stone (104).

The music of Grunge culture became collectively known as the “Seattle sound” in the press, but sources offer contradictory information as to what the sound of the music was actually like. According to Dan Peters of Mudhoney, the Melvins (a lesser-known but important Grunge band) “got really heavy” (Azerrad 48) and everyone else in the scene followed suit. The style of the heavier-sounding music was “virtually invented” by the Melvins, when they “went from being the fastest [playing] band in Seattle to the slowest.” (48). John Rocco wrote in The Nirvana Companion that “the Melvins’ combination of metal, punk, and hardcore produced what is now called Grunge” (Rocco xx).

According to the press, Grunge bands were heavily influenced by the heavy metal of the 1970s (Azerrad 44; Foege 104) —a statement Cornell denied concerning his role in Soundgarden, saying that he was not even slightly interested in 1970s heavy metal (Foege 106). Jack Endino, the “godfather of Grunge” for his work on Deep Six (Rocco xx), claimed that the music was “seventies-influenced, slowed-down punk music” (Azerrad 44). Kim Thayil, the guitarist of Soundgarden, and Jonathan Poneman offered more humorous definitions, such as “sloppy, smeary, staggering, drunken music,” and “a backwoods yeti stomp” (44).

It appeared that the only agreed-upon musical influence among the more popular Grunge musicians was Punk Rock. Chris Cornell claimed that his band, Soundgarden, covered punk acts like the Ramones and the Sex Pistols (Foege 106). Bruce Pavitt, co-founder of the record label Sub Pop, had a bachelor’s degree in Punk Rock (Azerrad 44), and Kurt Cobain of Nirvana was often quoted as saying, “punk rock is freedom” (Dettmar 5).

Despite the influence of Punk Rock on Grunge music, Theodore Matula distinguished punk motifs from Grunge, writing that “power chords, heavy distortion, and long solos…characterize grunge’s wall of sound” (Matula 21). Thomas Bell, of the Journal of Cultural Geography, wrote that there was never really a Seattle sound; instead, he offered an alternative explanation:

There was…a group of extraordinarily talented and inventive musicians… the notion that they sound alike is almost ludicrous. They range from the folk-inspired Walkabouts to the quasi-heavy metal sound of Soundgarden… Journalists have been…trying to…create a sense of commonality about Seattle's music scene. The elements they have selected are the noise level of the music, its honesty, and the degree to which many of the groups were treated better elsewhere before being accorded their due in their hometown. (Bell 6, 9, 10)

 

The Grunge approach did not favor studio techniques in order to create music; instead, bands relied on live performances. It was the lack of artificial studio technique that gave Grunge music its inherent honest quality; the emotional meaning of the music was translated through the artists’ direct, simplistic approach to live performance, which mirrored the bands’ approach to studio recording. A possible explanation for this approach to music could be that before the media frenzy surrounded Seattle, “there [was] no risk of success…there [was] also no risk of failure, so you may as well [have done] what you [pleased]” (Bell 16). Bell explained that in live performances, the loudness of the music was evident in the feedback and amplification of the guitars (Bell 13). Lyrically, the subject matter of the music was “brutalizingly honest” (Bell 15).

From the vantage point of many Grunge musicians, the mainstream media’s impact on the Seattle Grunge culture was predominantly negative. Chris Cornell of Soundgarden said that, because of the popularization of the Seattle scene, “… it turned into something that’s considered a fashion statement…it’s like somebody came into your city with bulldozers and…mined your own perfect mountain…and left the rest to rot” (Foege 104). Cornell claimed that people treated him differently after Soundgarden became successful and were broadcast on television (104). In the song “Overblown,” Mark Arm of Mudhoney sang of the Seattle Grunge scene, “everybody loves us/everybody loves our town/that’s why I’m thinking of leaving it/ it’s so overblown” (Azerrad 43).

The Grunge scene in Seattle was, by many accounts, influenced by Punk Rock, and the ethics of that movement can be seen in the musicians’ rejection of mainstream values. Many musicians felt that the mainstream invaded their privacy and contributed to the dissolution of the artistic community that they had formed. The scene was also destroyed by acceptance into the mainstream, the primary downfall of the Punk Rock movement. One of the reasons the Grunge scene catapulted into the mainstream was Nirvana’s impact on the music industry.

Nirvana and their Impact on Music Culture

Nirvana has been characterized as part of the Seattle sound, but the band “[came] of age” in Olympia and Aberdeen, Washington (Azerrad 45-6). The initial incarnation of the band began when bassist Krist Noveselic and guitarist-vocalist Kurt Cobain (Bogdanov 660) began playing music together in 1986; with drummer Dale Crover, they recorded a demo in 1988. The producer, Jack Endino (the “godfather of Grunge” (Rocco xx)), played the demo for Jonathan Poneman of the record label Sub Pop, and Poneman signed Nirvana to the company (Bogdanov 660)—a heavy promoter of Grunge music at the time (Rocco xx, Anderson 15). Their first album, Bleach, gained popularity on college radio due to Nirvana’s continuous touring (Bogdanov 660). In 1991, Nirvana signed again with the major label DGC to record the album Nevermind. Initially, it was speculated that the album would sell fifty thousand copies (Smells Like Teen Spirit)—it eventually sold over thirteen million and reached number one on the Billboard charts (Rocco xxii-xxiv). Before the recording of the album, the band hired Dave Grohl, who would serve as Nirvana’s permanent drummer (Bogdanov 660). According to John Rocco, “Nirvana broke the gates of Heaven and admitted the underground into the mainstream. The band was as shocked as anybody by their success” (Rocco xxiii). David Fricke of the Rolling Stone cited that “in terms of who knew them at one point, and everyone knew them at the next one, it literally was overnight” (Smells Like Teen Spirit). The album effectively pushed pop culture icon Michael Jackson out of the number one spot on the Billboard, and established the members of Nirvana as rock stars (Rocco xxii-xxiv). Jack Endino remembered, “That was a pretty big deal at the time…some Seattle band that we knew had just displaced Michael Jackson in the number one spot on the album charts. That was inconceivable” (Smells Like Teen Spirit). When asked of the band’s opinion that labels were looking for the next Nirvana, Cobain replied that his band’s shove into the mainstream was just like the punk movement, in that they were having success because it was a trend (Headbanger’s Ball: A Big Buzz).

Throughout 1992, Cobain’s personal problems, which included stomach illnesses, allegations of heroin abuse, and child custody battles with the Los Angeles children’s services made their way to the press, and the group was not able to record their third album, In Utero, until 1993. In Utero debuted at the top of the US and UK charts and was met with positive reviews. Despite the success of the album, Cobain’s personal problems continued to mount—he attempted suicide and overdosed on drugs and alcohol several times before being admitted to a rehabilitation facility in 1994. He fled the clinic a few days after being admitted, and his body was found in his Seattle home on April 8, 1994. His death resulted from a self-afflicted shotgun wound. Noveselic and Grohl did not look for a replacement, and the band dissolved. (Bogdanov 661).

Nirvana began as a relatively unknown band from Aberdeen, Washington in 1986, but by 1992, their second album had established the band members as rock stars, much to their surprise. The album was attributed to have brought alternative music to the mainstream. Despite the band’s commercial and critical success, vocalist and guitarist Kurt Cobain committed suicide in 1994 and the remaining members parted ways.

Summary of Review

            The following can be summarized about the review of literature concerning Standpoint Theory, Punk Rock, Grunge, and Nirvana:

            Standpoint Theory

·         Standpoint Theory explores the attitudes, values, and beliefs of the under-privileged in society, in order to better understand their experiences.

·         As a result of being under-privileged, oppressed groups have an advantage over the privileged because of the hardships they have endured.

·         In order to create better realities for themselves, the under-privileged can respond to oppression in the form of creative expression.

Punk Rock

·         The English Punk Rock movement of the 1970s thrived on offensive and shocking behavior, in a rebellion against the status quo of English politics.

·         Sexism, racism, social apathy, and distaste for mainstream rock musicians drove the ideology of the Punk Rock movement.

Grunge

·         The Grunge movement took place in Seattle, Washington in the period from 1986-1994.

·         Few agree on a single definition of what Grunge music is, but many of the bands and producers have been influenced by Punk Rock.

·         The scene ended when media overexposure drew non-native bands to Seattle in order to land a record deal, polluting the community of musicians already established; simultaneously, bands that were achieving success went on tour, effectively breaking up the original community of musicians.

Nirvana

·         Nirvana brought alternative music out of the underground and shocked the music world (and themselves) by achieving mainstream success in 1992.

Revised Statement of the Problem

            From the literature, it was clear that Punk Rock had a marked influence on both the Grunge movement and Nirvana. From the band’s shocked response to achieving mainstream success, and the influences of Punk Rock on the culture from which they arose, it can be inferred that the band had a specific attitude toward the mainstream. Standpoint Theory claims that oppressed groups use forms of creative expression, such as art and music, to rebel against the privileged. After reviewing this information, the research question became more focused.

Research Question

How did Nirvana use creative expression to promote their attitude and values concerning mainstream success and society?

Hypotheses

The review of literature and re-consideration of the question produced two hypotheses:

Hypothesis 1: Nirvana’s ideology advocated a rebellion against mainstream values, including those that promote rock stardom, sexism, and racism.

Hypothesis 2: Nirvana used a variety of creative mediums to support their ideology.

Definitions

            Two terms needed to be defined conceptually—views of the term from outside sources—and operationally—the use of the term within the research—for the project.

Grunge

Conceptual: A music culture of Seattle, Washington that began in 1986 (Azerrad 43-50) and ended in 1994 (Foege 104), according to writers from the Rolling Stone. The sound of the music was a “combination of metal, punk, and hardcore” (Rocco xx) that was known for its honesty in live performance and subject matter (Bell 35-47).

Operational: Any artifact referring to the art, music, and culture of Seattle, Washington movement in music known as “Grunge” from the period of 1986-1994.

Punk

Conceptual: A 1970s English movement in music and culture; the followers and musicians of the punk movement were characterized by their offensive and violent behavior. The music was used as a critical response to issues plaguing English mainstream society—in particular, racism, social apathy, and sexism were addressed. Rock stars who had been co-opted into the mainstream were also the subjects of criticism (Matula 19; Simonelli 144).

Operational: The ideals and culture of the English Punk Rock movement in the 1970s, which emphasized rebellion against rock stardom, racism, sexism, and mainstream society in general.

Part II

Methods and Procedures

            Research Method

            Rhetorical Criticism is a tool that can be used to uncover messages embedded within artifacts. The term rhetoric encompasses a wide variety of materials that convey messages, from speeches to artwork. While the types of rhetoric may vary, the purposes of rhetoric do not. Although a concrete definition of rhetoric is debatable, it generally has three main components: humans are the creators of rhetoric, symbols are the medium of rhetoric, and communication is the purpose of rhetoric (Foss 4). These three dimensions are important to note in the selection of this methodology over others. Humans create and use symbols to frame and understand their experiences. The symbols humans use define their realities and how they perceive the world, indicating a relationship between two or more ideas, objects, or perceptions that are linked indirectly. Words themselves are symbols, a series of letters that indirectly represents a referent concept. Sonja Foss wrote in Rhetorical Criticism: Exploration and Practice, “The word cup, for example, has no natural relationship to an open container of beverages. It is a symbol invented by someone who wanted to refer to this kind of object” (Foss 4).

Music is also a type of symbol—it indirectly represents emotions and subject matter. The concept of symbols is very important, as Nirvana defined their worldview through the abstract symbols of music and lyricism. Nirvana also made use of performance as a symbol for what they stood for as a band. Their album jackets and concert behavior, as well as their actions in interviews, were symbolic of a consistent viewpoint. Finally, their music, lyrics, and behavior communicated certain ideals and values that the band members shared. Their use of symbols allowed the world outside of the band to understand how they defined their reality of rock stardom, as well as explore Kurt Cobain’s personal perspective. An understanding of their experience is important, as it undoubtedly pushed the band’s success and helped further the phenomenon of Grunge music’s popularity.

            Rhetorical Criticism was the ideal choice in answering the proposed research question because the purpose of rhetorical criticism is to investigate and explain rhetorical acts and artifacts; Nirvana used both to convey their point of view. Rhetorical Criticism has three objectives as deemed by Foss: “systematic analysis as the act of criticism, acts and artifacts as the objects of analysis in criticism, and understanding rhetorical processes as the purpose of criticism” (Foss 6). Rhetorical Criticism offers an understanding of symbols and messages, which can be used to investigate and analyze acts and artifacts. It is systematic analysis—a conscious, focused explanation and understanding of symbols and messages and the responses to them. Acts and artifacts are the subjects of Rhetorical Criticism. A rhetorical act occurs in the presence of an audience, while an artifact is preserved, as tangible evidence of rhetoric.  In Nirvana’s case, a speech at a concert is an act and an album of recorded music is an artifact. The rhetorical process has many objectives. Rhetorical Critics do not do criticism in order to relate their own experiences with acts and artifacts, as do movie critics. Rhetorical critics seek to make a lasting contribution to rhetorical and communication theory by explaining how a piece of rhetoric works. Rhetorical Critics are theorists, both questioning and creating explanations for rhetorical phenomena (Foss 3-7).

There are many variations of Rhetorical Criticism. The choice to use a particular method of Rhetorical Criticism depends on the artifacts being studied and the purpose of the study. To understand Nirvana’s perception of themselves and others within the mainstream is to understand the ideology of the band regarding the mainstream. Therefore, a study such as this encouraged the use of Ideological Criticism. The word ideology is derived from “ideo– (idea)” and “–logy (logic)” (Sillars 261). Destutt de Tracy used the word to refer to the structure of dominant ideas in society; Karl Marx pushed the envelope of the term’s use in the nineteenth century, when he used it to describe the ideology of capitalism, in which the powerful upper class delivered their system of beliefs and values to the lower classes, establishing the ideology of the lower class as well. In particular, he examined how this ideology was not inborn of the lower class, but pushed upon them by the upper class (Sillars 261).

Semiotics, the study of signs, has also proved to be a help to the Ideological Critic. Signs give clues to the meaning and ideology of a group’s message. The perspective of structuralism, which uses linguistics to understand a given artifact, and deconstructionism, which deciphers the underlying messages and motives of artifacts, were also important contributors to the development of Ideological Criticism (Foss 240-243). 

The goal of Ideological Criticism is to explore a group of people’s beliefs and values regarding an aspect of their reality. Ideological Criticism seeks to uncover a group’s identities by looking at the values they hold for themselves as well as the standards that they set for other groups, in particular, those that challenge their own set of values. Ideologies come in many forms and from many groups—from American patriots to college fraternities. Although these groups are very different, the thread of commonality they share is within their ideologies; they both share ideas that compose their understanding of themselves, their perception of the outer world. Ultimately, their ideology affects their attitude. These attitudes influence not only the group’s behavior within the group, but in the daily lives of group members as well (Foss 239-243).

            Ideologies come into power and dominance through “hegemony” – one ideology’s dominance over other ideologies. Hegemonic ideologies, when they become dominant in society, give the group supporting the hegemonic ideology power over other groups. When one ideology holds a dominant position in society, it provides and sustains a worldview for those not already present in the hegemonic group. The hegemonic ideology solidifies itself in society when that ideology becomes the way in which the majority of people think and challenges to the ideology are repressed (Foss 242-243).

            To gain insight into Nirvana’s ideology concerning the mainstream, it was necessary to look at a variety of different artifacts. Nirvana used interviews, videos, live performance, and artwork in addition to their music to promote their values. Using Ideological Criticism, Nirvana’s messages were extracted from artifacts; consequently, analysis unveiled the pattern of messages that constituted Nirvana’s ideology.

            To collect the data necessary for the Ideological Criticism, it was necessary to draw from a multitude of sources. Nirvana’s music, lyrics, and performances were important, as each revealed a possible creative outlet for the band to express themselves. Interviews drawn from magazine articles and in-person video recordings were also helpful, as the band revealed much about themselves and their viewpoint through conversation. The band also used music videos to promote their ideas.

Analysis of Data

            The primary tools used to select certain artifacts were the level of recognition that the artifact received and how well it articulated the band’s ideology. It was beyond the scope of this research to examine every single artifact that the band used to promote their values, so the research only included those artifacts that received widespread attention, as it was during these moments that the band had the greatest opportunity to promote their ideology. To identify the level of attention each artifact received, it was necessary to examine how many people were exposed to it. The standards for determining this were based on the artifact itself; for example, an album’s sales indicated one level of exposure, the number of possible viewers during a performance indicated another. The artifact’s relevance toward communicating the band’s ideology was also important—the more specific the artifact was in defining Nirvana’s ideology toward the mainstream, the more relevant it was to the research. The patterns of messages within the artifacts defined Nirvana’s ideology.

Part III

Results and Discussion

The Ideological Criticism

To understand Nirvana’s approach toward the mainstream, it was necessary to find input from the band members concerning their views of the mainstream. Much of the information was taken from interviews with the band as well as those who were able to supply legitimate discussion of the band by being part of the music industry at the time of the band’s notoriety. The information provided was essential in the analysis of the three artifacts chosen for the project; without prior research concerning the band’s attitude, an accurate perception of the Nirvana’s use of creative expression would not have been identified, as the researcher would not have been able to understand the ideology that drove the band’s behavior.

From several accounts from the members of the band, it was clear that Nirvana never had any aspirations of success, let alone creating an album of such cultural importance. Kurt Loder of MTV exemplified Nirvana’s view on this topic by saying that the band was “dragged kicking and whining into the pop music mainstream” (“Media”). Gary Gersh, a spokesperson for DGC (Nirvana’s major label), said that he did not think the band would “change the face of popular music,” but that there was “something really special that happened between Dave and Krist and Kurt when they got onstage” (“In Bloom”). When asked if he thought Nevermind could reach number one, Nirvana’s manager, John Silva, replied, “No way, not a chance” (“Drummers”). Drummer Dave Grohl said, “Honestly, there was hardly any career ambition at all… There was no way we could be the biggest band in the world, we just wanted to play” (“Drummers”). On success, vocalist Kurt Cobain said, “We weren’t prepared for it…It’s never been a main goal of ours…we never really cared about anything like that, we just want to put out a good record…as far as getting in the top ten…we don’t care at all…” (“the top 10”). Grohl said that the band never meant to produce a classic album and according to Cobain, the band “never set out to be rock stars” (“Drummers”). Referring to the scale of their success, Grohl said that it was “perverse” and “bizarre,” and they “definitely [weren’t] the ones who wanted [it]” (True 64).

Despite being criticized for signing to the major label DGC (True 36), and Gersh’s speculation that Cobain wanted to reach a large number of people with his music (“In Bloom”), Cobain said that major labels were not important. He claimed that Nirvana would be comfortable going back to a less famous label at any time (Arnold 30), and that “the only reason we decided to go with a major [label], is just the assurance of getting our records into small towns like Aberdeen [Cobain’s hometown]” (29). In a separate interview, when Cobain was asked why the band wanted to move to a major label, he replied that he wanted a label that would offer better promotion, and challenged the interviewer to find a poster of their first album, which was released on Sub Pop (Anderson 17). Even though Nirvana’s move to a major label allowed Cobain to achieve his goal of a greater level of promotion, he said that “we don’t feel comfortable progressing, playing larger venues” (True 36). In response to the mainstream’s reaction to Nevermind, Noveselic said that he wanted their music to attract more “mainstream type people” to different types of music, and Cobain was hopeful that “good bands with integrity” would be exposed (“Headbanger’s Ball: A Big Buzz”).

Although the band allowed the producer of Nevermind, Butch Vig, to help them mold their music into pop songs (Kanter 67), Cobain said that he was “disgusted with having to deal with the commercial side of [the] band” (True 62); in response to the band’s large-scale arena shows, Cobain joyously exclaimed “Hey! We’re on our way out!” when he discovered that a venue in Stockholm had undersold by 6,000 tickets (True 70). Cobain took the mainstream media’s response to his catapult into stardom seriously, as rumors about him and his wife, Courtney Love, began to circulate in the press. The media projected them as unfit parents and drug addicts; one story circulated that Cobain and his wife were high, puking in the backseat of a cab, and then forgot to take their daughter with them when they left (Steinke 79). Of the press’s attention to Cobain, Grohl said that there was “…a load…on Kurt’s mind that he doesn’t deserve” (79), and “Kurt probably wanted to sell twenty million records, and be the biggest band in the world, but I’m sure he didn’t want all the baggage that came along with it, I’m sure he didn’t even realize what baggage came along with it. Nobody did. I didn’t” (“Smells Like Teen Spirit”). At the 1992 Reading Festival, Cobain mocked rumors of his poor health by being pushed onstage in a wheelchair, wearing a medical smock and a white wig (Cross 243), before the beginning of the band’s performance (“Lithium”). Cobain claimed that he “never paid attention to the mainstream press…[or] read a major record label rock ‘n’ roll interview” (Cross 125). He also appeared on one issue of the Rolling Stone adorning a shirt that read “Corporate Magazines Still Suck” (Allman 137).

Cobain’s sentiment against the mainstream was echoed by Noveselic and Grohl. In one interview concerning the media and the band, Grohl stated, “Journalists lie about us, why can’t we lie about them?” and Noveselic sarcastically added, “Never let the truth get in the way of a good story” (“Media”). Noveselic remarked that even if he was broke, “he was not going to return to…mainstream culture” (True 62).

The band’s distaste for commercialism and the mainstream even extended toward other bands in the industry. Cobain stated that he did not “want to be associated with ninety-nine percent of the rock ‘n’ roll bands out there” (True 35); Noveselic and he mocked rock bands such as Van Halen (36), Motley Crue (True 62), and Bruce Springsteen (69), making them out to be commercial entertainers. Cobain also looked down upon Pearl Jam, believing that they were “a commercial rock band” (Allman 151). In one interview, Noveselic insulted a “shlock-rock” band, The Extremes, and Cobain justified the insult with “they surround themselves with these professional…commercial rock ‘n’ roll guys” (The Chosen Rejects). Of The Extremes, Grohl said “I don’t think they’re aware of how much they suck” (The Chosen Rejects).

Nirvana also had a penchant for destroying their instruments. In many of the shows throughout their career, the band would often destroy their set before leaving the stage, even while they were on Sub Pop. This forced the label to put Nirvana on an equipment allowance. Of destroying their instruments, Cobain said, “‘It feels good…We only do it if the feeling’s right. It doesn’t matter where we are’ ” (True 19). In the band’s early years before DGC, Cobain would actually spend time repairing guitars and amplifiers that he destroyed during shows (Cross 135). Sometimes, the destruction would ruin the show, as when the band played Berlin and Cobain destroyed his guitar after only six songs (Cross 141). After the success of Nevermind, the band made the destruction mainstream by destroying their sets on live television appearances, such as after their performance of “Territorial Pissings” on Saturday Night Live (Cross 219), where “their traditional live destruction of instruments was immortalized” (Bogdanov 660). The band’s live show also made the smashing of instruments widespread, as in the destruction after a performance of “Territorial Pissings” at the 1992 Reading Festival (Cross 244); the band’s audience at the show included approximately 60,000 fans (242). At a concert in Brazil in 1993, even the paycheck from the show did not cover the expenses of the equipment that they had destroyed (265).

After Nirvana gained mainstream success and had become “corporate entertainment,” the band seemed to lose interest in giving emotional performances and destroying their instruments, particularly at one festival in Scandinavia, where “it could have been anyone” onstage and the crowd would have cheered (True 50). Of the destruction, Noveselic said, “The smashing of the gear was really a shtick, so we could get off the stage after forty-five to fifty minutes…it didn’t matter if we played great or we played horrible…it’s a stellar ending to a set” (“Territorial Pissings”). Nirvana’s love of destruction was obvious in many of their performances, and even in some of their music videos, as the research artifacts for the performance at the MTV Video Music Awards and video for “In Bloom” illustrated.

Artifact I: “Smells like Teen Spirit” at the Top of the Pops

            The Top of the Pops

The Top of the Pops was a British-based television series that first aired on January 1, 1964. The show featured popular music acts such as the Beatles and the Rolling Stones, and the show required each band to mime (pretend to play) their own songs, rather than perform them. According to the official website of the Top of the Pops, “the miming thing really took off” (“Top of the Pops 1960s” 2) when the show began to air. The Top of the Pops took its acts from the top forty charts, provided a “weekly snapshot of what’s truly popular in popular music” (“The History of the TOTP!” 2), and included “virtually every star in popular music” (“Part 4 – the best is yet to come…” 1). In the 1970s, the show reportedly attracted fifteen million viewers (Barkham 12). In the mid-1990s the show still held the attention of more than six million, but by 2004, the numbers had dropped to approximately three million (“Top of the Pops Leaves BBC One” 6). Due to the development of media outlets that offered music all the time, the show could no longer compete in a weekly slot (“Why Did the TOTP Weekly Show Finish?” 1). The final weekly show aired on July 30, 2006 (“Part 4 – the best is yet to come…” 3). In keeping with the show’s reputation for inviting stars to perform, Nirvana was asked to mime “Smells Like Teen Spirit” on the Top of the Pops.  

            “Smells like Teen Spirit”

            In January 1992, Nevermind reached the number one spot on the Billboard charts (Rocco 51) and the band’s “break-through single” (Gaar 187), “Smells like Teen Spirit,” reached the American Top Ten in music (Bogdanov 660). According to Charles Cross, author of Cobain’s biography Heavier Than Heaven, “1991’s most recognizable song (“Smells Like Teen Spirit”)” was the “true beginning of nineties’ rock” (Cross 2). The video, which was inspired by a film titled “Over the Edge”—about a group of kids “rebelling and destroying a high school” (The Making of the Smells Like Teen Spirit Video)—won Best Alternative Music Video on the 1992 MTV Music Video Awards (Gaar 198). One correspondent from MTV said, “It changed the entire look of MTV, and it made the band successful and helped them sell a lot of records, but it made MTV successful, it gave them a whole new platform to work from, and…a whole new generation to sell to” (“Smells Like Teen Spirit”). David Fricke of the Rolling Stone said that, at the time, “there was literally nothing else on television like it” (“Smells Like Teen Spirit”). Jim Merlis, the director of publicity at DGC records (Gaar 195), said that “Smells like Teen Spirit” “took on a life of its own” (211) and even though the record company generally did not release singles from its artists’ albums, they released singles from Nirvana because of the high demand for the band (211). The director, Sam Bayer (who did not have much experience in filmmaking at the time), said that hiring a “crap director” was a “very punk and cool thing to do,” and that they would “get something not corporate” (“Smells Like Teen Spirit”).

Nirvana’s reaction to the success of “Smells Like Teen Spirit” was predominantly negative. The video for the song became a staple on MTV (Bogdanov 660, Rocco 51), much to the dismay of Cobain, who was disappointed that the video would be in rotation with mainstream acts such as Mariah Carey and Paula Abdul. After the video became popular on MTV, Cobain became cynical of it; as he said in one interview, “We’ve been lucky enough not to see MTV. We’re not really aware of exactly how much hype is going on. We’ve been told about it by a lot of people—mainly by our friends making fun of us” (True 65). According to Everett True, who had begun writing almost exclusively about Nirvana in 1991, Cobain wanted to scrap the video (True 28). David Fricke wrote that Cobain “cherry-picked” songs for the band’s MTV Unplugged in New York concert, but “deliberately [eliminated] obvious crowd-pleasers” (Fricke 231) and cited “Smells like Teen Spirit” as one of the deposed songs (231). When discussing the new songs available for an upcoming tour, Grohl mentioned, “…We’ll never have to play “Smells like Teen Spirit” again…It’s fun to play, it’s just…for a lot of people, it’s the only Nirvana song, and that’s upsetting”  (“the top ten”).

            Analysis

            From the beginning of the performance, the band exaggerated that they were not really playing their instruments in their refusal to mime their instruments accurately. As the album version of “Smells Like Teen Spirit” rang throughout the set, the band made an overt and conscious effort to mock themselves and the tradition of miming. The performance began with a camera shot of Cobain blatantly pretending to play guitar by alternating his hand up and down the guitar’s neck in only two locations, obviously not playing to the rhythm of the song. His other hand was moving in a monotonous, repetitive gesture out of sync with the song and was pulled away from the strings, once again embellishing that he was not truly playing his instrument. Grohl seemed to be making an effort at looking like he was playing drums, but upon scrutiny, he was not playing to the rhythm of the song, either. Noveselic was twirling his bass guitar over his head.

            Even though there were guitar parts throughout the entirety of the song, Cobain completely removed his hands from his guitar during the verse. He sang in a very low, operatic voice during the performance, as opposed to the recording on Nevermind, in which his voice was higher in pitch and was distorted by his screaming. Cobain’s delivery of the song on the Top of the Pops has been likened to a “booming baritone” (Gaar 194), a “Vegas-like lounge” act (Cross 208), and vocalist Ian Curtis of Joy Division (Bogdanov 660). Cobain said that he wanted to sound like Morrissey of The Smiths (Cross 208). He also changed the lyrics several times throughout the song (one example—the lines, “load up on guns, bring your friends” offensively became “load up on drugs, kill your friends”). At one point during the verse (“hello, hello, hello, how low”), Cobain put the microphone into his mouth while singing, effectively muffling his already low, warped voice. With the effect of a microphone in his mouth, his voice took on a horror film-like quality—scratchy, low, and gruff. He also sang this portion of the song out of tune.

            During the chorus, Noveselic dropped to his knees in front of the audience while jerking his bass forward and upward, and the camera cut from him to Cobain’s guitar during a pronounced guitar part in the recording—yet, Cobain’s hands remained on the microphone; so, from the viewer’s position, the only item of interest during the shot was the guitar not being played. During the line beginning with “a mulatto, an albino…,” Cobain spread his arms to his right and left, completely removing them from both the microphone and the guitar.

            The band continued their performance in the same manner during the second verse and chorus. However, during the song’s guitar solo, Cobain pulled his guitar strap over his head and pulled his guitar off his body as the audience rushed the stage. The only sounds to be heard were aural lacerations—sounds of people running into and brushing against the microphone. The camera and the song faded out shortly after Cobain removed his guitar, before the announcer came back to re-announce the band.

The band promoted an anti-mainstream attitude in three ways during this performance: by mocking their own success, by mocking the traditions of a popular mainstream television program, and by mocking the expectations of the show’s producers and mainstream audience. To mock the mainstream success of the song (and themselves), Cobain purposely changed the song’s lyrics, often singing them incorrectly and out of tune. As prior evidence indicated, the band was dissatisfied with being only known by “Smells Like Teen Spirit.” As a result, Cobain’s emotionless singing implied that the band did not have any more interest in the song or its success. The band as a whole also played out of rhythm, if they were playing at all. This gesture also implied that the band was uninterested in performing the song, as indicated by Grohl’s desire not to play the song again (“the top 10”). Such a detached attitude toward their own music suggested that Nirvana was fed up with the mainstream success of the song, and no longer had any interest in performing it, regardless of its popularity.

Nirvana’s performance at the Top of the Pops was one of many where they performed differently (often, to the anger of program executives) than the show’s producers originally intended. The implications of the band’s improper use of instruments were two-fold. As previously stated, their lack of concern for their performance indicated that they were not only uninterested in their own song, but that they were also uninterested in conforming to the traditions of a mainstream television program. They mocked the song and the show by miming their instruments out of sync with the pre-recorded music or by not miming their instruments at all. Noveselic tossed his bass around his body, Grohl was not playing the correct rhythm, and Cobain did not even have his hands on his instrument for half of the performance. In effect, the band amplified, exposed, and mocked the tradition of miming instruments, which had become the show’s signature motif.

The band also mocked their own reputation and the expectations of the audience and producers by delivering a monotone performance. Traditionally, Nirvana destroyed their instruments during performances; during their stay on the Top of the Pops, the band chose not to destroy their instruments during the set—purposely violating the expectations of the audience and mainstream. It was as if the band members were thumbing their noses at the popularization of their own style of performance (which included smashing the equipment), as well as the mainstream audience of the Top of the Pops. Cobain’s position onstage remained idle throughout the set; he only moved around the stage when he was taking off his guitar. Due to Nirvana’s destructive reputation (Bogdanov 851), Cobain’s stance mocked Nirvana’s traditional performances by not engaging in destructive behavior or even any visual movement, but creating a dull, emotionless stage presence. Throughout the entire performance, Cobain sang without emotion; he did not scream or raise his voice. His delivery during this performance was much different than the song on Nevermind, in which Cobain’s voice was distorted with anger and angst-ridden, as evidenced by his howls on the recording. The song’s early cut-off was likely due to the anger of the producers, who cut the performance when they realized the band was not performing as expected. Cross wrote that the producers were furious about the band’s behavior (Cross 208), and True wrote that the performance almost guaranteed that the song would not reach number one in the U.K. (True 39).

The primary use of creative expression against the mainstream in this artifact was humor, which affected every aspect of the performance. Musically, humor was presented by Cobain’s absurd vocal delivery. Lyrically, the changes completely altered the meaning of the song. The presentation of the vocals and lyrics gave the performance a sarcastic quality, which resonated with the band’s mockery of their own success and of the audience’s expectations for the band. Visually, Cobain created humor by using overly feigned guitar playing and by removing his guitar from his body; Noveselic used his instrument as a prop to wield, toss, and twirl onstage. Cobain’s grin during the opening of the set also indicated that this performance was not in the vein of serious musicianship, but was more of a comedic stunt. The band’s refusal to destroy (and even mime) their instruments was ironic, as the band was poking fun at their own popularity as well as the expectations of the audience during the performance. This gesture was not only disrespectful to the show’s producers, but the audience as well. If the audience was expecting a traditional Nirvana performance, the band’s delivery only gave them a self-deprecating, faked recital. Nirvana performed in this self-deprecating manner again at the MTV Video Music Awards.  

Artifact II: “Rape Me” and “Lithium” at the MTV Video Music Awards

            The MTV Video Music Awards

The first MTV Video Music Awards (MVMA) took place on September 14, 1984. According to Charles Cross, the show was the “highest-profile music awards,” as well as the “Grunge Academy Awards” (Cross 246). The show currently airs on MTV every year, and draws much of its entertainment from a variety of hosts and performers, which have included Michael Jackson, Madonna (“1984 Video Music Awards”) and Eddie Murphy (“1985 Video Music Awards”). The purpose of the program is to deliver awards in the form of trophies—“Moonmen”—in many musical categories surrounding the music video. Some of the categories have included Best Choreography, Best Special Effects, and Viewer’s Choice (“1984 Video Music Awards” 3-4). Because of the line-up of star performers, the MVMA can potentially attract viewers of all ages and backgrounds, making it an important attraction to MTV.

Nirvana and MTV

Nirvana never took MTV very seriously, and eventually became angry with the network’s treatment of their popularity. On Headbanger’s Ball, an MTV program dedicated to heavy metal music, Cobain wore a bright yellow dress and said that he figured he should wear a gown because he was at a ball, then pretended to be upset because his band-mate, Noveselic, did not wear a tux or buy him a corsage. To this, Noveselic replied, “At least I asked you out” (“Headbanger’s Ball: A Big Buzz”). The band did not support the MVMA, either. Referring to the MVMA, Noveselic said, “The whole thing sucks…The MTV Awards and all the schmoozing, and all the people who are just in this to be popular and make money…they are just out for some kind of ulterior motive” (Rosen 90). In 1992, the band won the award for Best Alternative Video (for “Smells Like Teen Spirit”), but instead of coming to the stage to accept it, they sent a Michael Jackson impersonator who dubbed himself “The King of Grunge.” Of the joke, Cobain explained that he wanted people to know that he was dealing with the problems of fame (Rocco xxiv). After the MTV media publicized an article in Vanity Fair that questioned the health of Cobain’s daughter and his wife’s drug use during pregnancy, Cobain wrote a hostile letter to the network. Some excerpts from the letter included: “Dear Empty TV, the entity of all corporate Gods…My life’s dedication is now to do nothing but slag MTV…We will survive without you. Easily” (Cross 239). Nirvana’s conflict with MTV came to a head at the 1992 MVMA.

“Rape Me” and MTV

Before the actual performance on the MVMA, Cobain debuted the song “Rape Me” in front of MTV executives, who were immediately appalled. Although the song was written in 1990, by 1992, the song had become an allegory for the abuse Cobain had taken from the popular media, which included MTV. MTV understood the new meaning of the song, and wanted Nirvana to play something popular from Nevermind instead. When Nirvana insisted on playing “Rape Me,” the network threatened to pull them from the awards program and take their videos off MTV. Cobain did not object to the threats (Cross 247-8), until MTV threatened to boycott the bands under Nirvana’s management company, Gold Mountain. The boycott would have “hurt” those who supported Nirvana after their move to the label DGC (Rocco xxiv). After MTV threatened to drop the bands under Gold Mountain and fire Amy Finnerty, the mediator between the band and the network, Cobain agreed to play something else (Cross 248). In an interview with Cobain and his wife, Courtney Love, Love claimed that “Kurt didn’t want to play the [MTV] Video Awards…Never mind that if he didn’t play the Video Awards, they’d never show clips of his or my band again. That wasn’t it” (True 124). Cobain continued her statement with “they [MTV] wouldn’t have played any Gold Mountain acts…all the political nastiness…is true” (124). Cobain agreed to play “Lithium,” a song from Nevermind. Before the show, the band rehearsed the song in front of the MTV staff, who applauded the performance. Even though they expected Nirvana to play “Lithium,” rumors arose that the band was going to play “Rape Me” anyway, once the show was on-air (Cross 248). According to Charles Cross, the rumors created “the kind of tension that enveloped most significant Nirvana performances, and Kurt [Cobain] thrived on it” (249).

Cobain originally intended the song “Rape Me” as a support for rape victims, and justified his idea by saying, “It’s like she’s saying…go ahead, rape me, beat me. You’ll never kill me. I’ll survive this and I’m gonna…rape you one of these days and you won’t even know it” (Steinke 84). Cobain also said, “[I] was trying to write a song that supported women and dealt with the issue of rape…I just decided to be as bold as possible” (Fricke 68). The album that carried the track, In Utero, was edited to read “Waif Me” instead of “Rape Me” in Wal-Mart and K-Mart; otherwise, the franchises would refuse to carry the album (Rocco 91). Cobain agreed to the edit, saying that “When I was a kid, I could only go to Wal-Mart. I want the kids to be able to get this record. I’ll do what they want” (Cross 287). In 1993, during Nirvana’s MTV Unplugged in New York concert, the crowd requested that the band play “Rape Me,” and Cobain sarcastically cracked, “I don’t think MTV would let us play that” (Gaar 213).

Analysis

Nirvana’s performance of “Rape Me” on the MVMA was very brief; Cobain played and sang only the first two bars of the song: “Rape me, rape me.” The shot of the band opened far from the stage, using a fade-in from black (presumably from a commercial). The camera zoomed closer to the band as Cobain began playing the song’s chords on guitar. He sang the lines: “rape me, rape me,” before stopping abruptly and beginning to play “Lithium.” The band proceeded without any more surprises until approximately three minutes into the performance, when Cobain altered the lyrics of “Lithium” to include the lines, “I’m a turd,” and “I’m so retarded” in place of two lines of the original lyrics. Near the end of the set, Cobain mocked the original lyrics by singing the line “I love you” in an overly cutesy, childish tone of voice, and swinging his hips back and forth in a similarly childish gesture. Meanwhile, Noveselic tossed his bass into the air, and it came down on his forehead, knocking him to the ground. The performance ended with Noveselic struggling to stumble offstage, and Cobain trashing the equipment by shoving his guitar into an amplifier, throwing it into the drum kit, and toppling the amplifiers. Just before the scene ended, Grohl rushed to the microphone, yelling “Hi Axl! Hi Axl!” in reference to an altercation that occurred before the performance between Cobain and Axl Rose of Guns ‘N’ Roses (Cross 249). Despite MTV’s threats, the band had performed as they pleased.

MTV is an example of mainstream network. The fact that the band chose to openly disregard MTV’s rules is not only a rebellion against the network, but, in a broader sense, a rebellion against the mainstream. If MTV represented a large corporate mainstream network, and Nirvana explicitly played a song that would offend viewers as well as MTV executives, the performance was a rebellion against MTV’s mainstreaming of their music, MTV’s values, and MTV’s image. To Nirvana, MTV could have represented the height of mainstream success, something which the band clearly did not support. If MTV was the height of mainstream success, and the band openly mocked and disregarded one of the most important and well-recognized music programs on the network, the band also mocked the entire mainstream music industry by refusing to listen to those in charge. Thus, the performance was a rebellion against corporate mainstream networks as a whole, rather than just a personal vendetta with MTV.

This performance was not the only time the band performed a song that conflicted with a popular show’s interests. On The Jonathan Ross Show in the U.K., they performed “Territorial Pissings,” one of the Nevermind’s heavier songs, instead of “Lithium,” the song that they originally agreed to play (Gaar 194); On Saturday Night Live, the band again played “Territorial Pissings” against the wishes of the producers of the show (Cross 219).

Nirvana’s teaser performance of “Rape Me” lasted only a few seconds, but it was enough for the band to prove their point: they did not care about MTV’s standards, nor did they care about the audience’s reception—they were indifferent as to who the song would offend. It was as if the band was taunting the network by playing a song with an offensive theme and title. From the band’s disagreement with the producers of the show before the actual performance, it was clear that Nirvana knew MTV was very uncomfortable with and opposed to the song. Being that the MVMA was such a popular program, the band had the attention of a huge audience; not only was there a crowd gathered in front of and around the stage, the show was also broadcast to millions across the globe. MTV’s line-up of superstar entertainers would also attract an audience of both children and adults. Simply put, the venue of the MVMA afforded the band the opportunity to rebel against the mainstream network and its mainstream audience on a mass scale, and they took advantage of the opportunity. In subsequent airings, MTV edited “Rape Me” out of the program altogether (Cross 250). 

Nirvana’s performance of “Rape Me” worked on many different levels as a creative rebellion against the mainstream. The initial use of creative expression was the shock value of the song’s title and lyrics. Parents and the easily offended would be upset by the song’s title and subject matter. This created a problem for MTV, as the network would have to fight bad publicity and the possible degradation of its image due to Nirvana’s performance. MTV originally did not want the band to perform the song because the network’s executives knew that the song had become a rally against the media that had been plaguing Cobain, regardless of the original intent of the song. By performing the song at the MVMA, the band was able to make a public outcry against the media that had plagued them over the past year, using the same media that they rallied against. The irony was that the band was using the actual medium that they loathed, in an attempt to get the audience to understand their plight. Essentially, they were using MTV, a mainstream corporation, to denounce the mainstream media and other corporations like MTV. Understandably, MTV was uncomfortable with the song, but Nirvana chose to perform it anyway as an ironic gesture of disrespect toward MTV’s producers and audience.

Self-deprecating humor was also a key component in this artifact—in particular, it was found in Cobain’s self-deprecating performance and the presentation of the lyrics of “Lithium.” By arguing with MTV over what song they were going to play, it was clear Cobain did not want to play “Lithium.” By inserting the lines “I’m a turd” and “I’m so retarded,” and patronizing his performance by swinging his hips and changing his tone of voice in the line, “I love you,” Cobain was making fun of himself, his own lyrics, and ultimately, his own band. Cobain was not just mocking any Nirvana song—it was the song that MTV wanted them to play, a popular single. In effect, Cobain was mocking MTV’s choice of music, as well as the fact that the song had become popular, part of the mainstream. So, by mocking his own song, Cobain effectively mocked a mainstream television network’s ability to choose music for their programs, which was ironic considering that MTV itself was supposed to be centered around music. The self-deprecation also indicated that he was also making fun of the level of popularity to which the band had risen, because he chose to mock the lyrics of one of Nirvana’s popular songs, one that MTV wanted them to perform in order to appease an audience. Because MTV was a large-scale television network that needed universal mainstream appeal, Nirvana was making fun of themselves in order to destroy that mainstream appeal. The band’s disgust with mainstream television even extended into the realm of the music video.

Artifact III: “In Bloom” Music Video

            The Ed Sullivan Show

The Ed Sullivan Show debuted on June 20, 1948, as Toast of the Town, and changed its name to The Ed Sullivan Show in 1955. The program was a variety show that featured (among other talents) singers, dancers, and comedians. Some important guest appearances included the Beatles, whose performances on the show were some of the highest-rated of the 1960s, and Elvis Presley. Buddy Holly, “an enormously important and influential performer” whose music continued to top the charts nineteen years after his death (Bogdanov 433), also performed on the show (“Buddy Holly and the Crickets / Sam Cooke / Bobby Helms”). Since the show’s cancellation in 1971, numerous tributes have been dedicated to The Ed Sullivan Show, the most recent being in 2004. The majority of these tributes were re-edits of the show, with some appearances removed from the original program (“The Ed Sullivan Show”). Nirvana took the concept and style of The Ed Sullivan Show and used it as the blueprint for the video for “In Bloom.”

            “In Bloom”

Michael Azerrad suggested that the song “In Bloom” was aimed at:

…jocks and shallow mainstream types who began to blunder into Nirvana shows…it translated even better to the kind of mass popularity the band enjoyed…It’s also a good description of former band members…who were honestly attracted to the band’s music but didn’t quite go along with Kurt and Chris’s punk rock ethos (Azerrad 215).

 

The earliest version of the video was created in Smart Studios in 1991 while the band was still with Sub Pop, and with a drummer other than Grohl (Cross 182). In 1992, the band prepared to release a different version of the video. For this, Cobain’s concepts were too ambitious, so, as an alternative, he decided that he wanted to parody The Ed Sullivan Show, which according to Azerrad, spurned the “dawn of rock video” (Azerrad 291). He even insisted that the video be shot with cameras from the time period (291). Three versions of the video using Cobain’s new concept were developed, but only one made its way to MTV. In the first, the band would be dressed as sixties pop idols throughout the video; in the second, the band changed into dresses halfway through; in the final, the band changed into dresses and destroyed the set. The final version was shipped to MTV, because Nirvana did not think viewers would get the joke if they acted as pop idols throughout the entire video. The first incarnation of the new video never aired (293-4). The final version for “In Bloom” won Best Alternative Video at the 1993 MVMA (Cross 286).         

According to Charles Cross, many of Cobain’s songs were written about those around him, and “In Bloom” was a “thinly disguised portrait” about his friend Dylan Carlson (Cross 149). A quote from Come as You Are may explain the relationship. “I shot a gun with Dylan about a year ago. We went down to Aberdeen and went out in the woods and shot this gun and it was just such a reminder of how brutal they are, how much damage they can do to a person,” Cobain said of an experience he had with Carlson (Azerrad 244). Carlson also gave Cobain a handgun, which he kept in his home (244).

            Analysis

            The music video for “In Bloom” was essentially a stab at the popular mainstream acts, television, and audience of the 1960s. The band also mocked its own mainstream success by pretending to appear as one of these popular entertainers from the 1960s.

The primary use of creative expression in the piece was the use of humor. The video opened with a mock 1960s variety show host, similar in style to the host of The Ed Sullivan Show. The show and the performance itself were completely scripted, an act, except for the shots of the audience, which appear to be clips of early television audiences. One of the mocked themes of the show was the idea of the teen pop stars of the 1960s, the era in which The Ed Sullivan Show was at the height of its popularity. This clean-cut image was mocked in the form of the announcer, the band, and the audience. Cobain said that the humor was intentional, that he’d “just been so tired for the last year of people taking us so seriously…[he] wanted to…show them that [Nirvana had] a humorous side to [them]” (Azerrad 293).

The video began with the show’s host (an impersonator of Ed Sullivan) saying, “Next, ladies and gentlemen, we have three fine young men from Seattle. They’re coming, hold on, they’re coming! They’re thoroughly alright and decent fellows with their hit single, ‘In Bloom.’ Here they are, Nirvana!” The host alone worked on many different levels as a tool to mock Nirvana’s mainstream success and the mainstream culture of the 1960s. The host’s manner of speaking, by both his tone of voice and language, were an anachronism, as the video was released in the early nineties. The announcer’s suit, tone of voice, and word choice mirrored the style and language of popular 1950s’ and 1960s’ television, especially the kind found on The Ed Sullivan Show—very clean. The announcer’s nonverbal behavior—putting his hands up in response to the audience’s screams as he announced the band—was also poking fun at the band’s level of popularity and the audience that brought forth that popularity—the mainstream. The band was mocking the feverish excitement of star-struck fans before a concert; the announcer pulled his arms and hands back in a gesture as if to say, “Calm down! They are almost here!” The gesture worked in two ways: by mocking the band’s mainstream success in itself, and by mocking the excitement of the mainstream audience in relationship to the band. In reference to the fans screaming in the audience, one of Cobain’s statements explained the satire:

[It] was kind of an attack on what those kids turned into. I’m sure the majority of them turned into yuppies. It was kind of a dis on their generation…there was nothing wrong with those kids at the time—they were totally innocent and into rock ‘n’ roll. Now they’re in control of the media and the corporations and they’re cranking out the very same shit that they used to despise (Azerrad 293).

 

Those fans that were, in the 1990s, “in control of the media and the corporations” had become the mainstream, as the media and corporations were part of a greater mainstream culture. Cobain’s statement indicated that the video was an insult toward not only the obnoxious excitement that the mainstream audience of the 1960s had for pop stars, but also toward the mainstream audience of the 1990s that was rabid for Nirvana, which included the same fans from the 1960s that now were in control of the mainstream. To mock the excitement for the band, several clips of the audience showed close-ups of them knocking into one another, screaming, and clapping feverishly in response to the performance.

Nirvana also became part of the anachronism by mocking the performances of 1960s’ pop stars by acting as if they were 1960s’ pop stars themselves. Cross wrote that Cobain’s glasses in the video were similar to those that Buddy Holly liked to wear (Cross 235), and the band also wore “Beach-boys style suits” (Azerrad 292). In the early part of the video, Noveselic swayed like a pendulum, Cobain leaned into the microphone with a pleasant smile to deliver his vocals (even during the chorus, where the singing became more distorted and angry), and Grohl mirrored Noveselic’s pendulum by swaying back and forth while playing the drum kit. Cobain also exaggerated his own satisfaction with the performance on the show by stepping away from the microphone with an overly large, frozen grin plastered to his face. In the second verse, he continued the false pleasantness by batting his eyes off-camera and singing with another comically enlarged grin. Nirvana’s physical gestures, Cobain’s large, square glasses, and old-fashioned pinstripe suits all mirror the behavior and style of 1960s’ pop stars, especially when compared with Buddy Holly’s appearance on The Ed Sullivan Show. Of the band’s appearance and gestures during the video, Azerrad wrote, “The slicked-back hair, the nerdy suits, and the band’s stiff, repressed movements highlighted the absurdity of the notion of squeaky-clean pop idols and the uncompromising moral standard they were expected to live up to” (Azerrad 293).

During the mid-point of the song, the direction of the video changed. Instead of continuing with the clean-cut pop idol image, the camera cut to shots of the band in drag while they destroyed the set. When asked about his dress in the “In Bloom” video, Cobain replied:

I like to wear dresses because they’re comfortable. If I could wear a sheet I would…If I said we do it to be subversive then that would be a load of shit because men in bands wearing dresses aren’t controversial anymore…there was no hidden agenda… It may be subversive as far as a very small amount of people go, who’ve never seen men in dresses before or who aren’t comfortable with the concept, but I don’t give a shit about those people any way. It’s not subversive. There’s no point in being subversive in rock any more…There’s no way you can be…Male bands do it all the time (True 40).

 

From this testimony, it would appear that Nirvana had no intention of rebelling against current trends in rock performance. However, in the context of the video, the dresses were a rebellion against the traditional values of the pop stars of the 1960s, who appeared on programs like The Ed Sullivan Show; the band would have been ostracized for dressing in drag due to the mainstream culture of the era, which had a very traditional, narrow view of how men and women should dress and behave. It also blatantly contrasted the pinstriped suits the band was wearing previously, which came as a surprise in the video and suggested not only that the band did not support the persona that embodied the mainstream style of the 1960s—“squeaky-clean”—but that they were actually mocking it by performing in drag on a traditional television program whose viewers would have been offended by the gesture in the time period of the 1960s.

The destruction of the equipment also set up an ironic contrast in the video—one between the announcer and the band. In the introduction and ending to the video, the announcer referred to the band as “nice,” “decent,” and “clean-cut”—all adjectives that contradicted the band’s destruction of the set. As the destruction continued, clips of the audience screaming with delight continued throughout the video, which was reminiscent of the sentiment expressed by True’s opinion of the band’s performance in Scandinavia, where “it could have been anyone” performing and the audience would have cheered, regardless of who or what was onstage. The continued screams from the audience as the band’s attire changed to dresses and the band destroyed the set suggested that the mainstream audience was mindless, willing to cheer at anything that was put on mainstream television, no matter what it was. Although the audience that was cheering was of the mainstream culture of the 1960s, they were also an allegory for the mainstream audience at the time of Nirvana’s popularity; the band was bored and disappointed with this audience, as evidenced by their lackluster, uninterested performances to the mainstream crowd and remarks concerning their own popularity. The host was also part of this mindless culture; he shook hands with the band after the performance, saying “I really can’t say enough nice things about them,” even though the band members had destroyed his set. Thus, the band was pushing that the mainstream audience of popular bands in the 1960s and the mainstream audience of Nirvana were mindless, willing to support anything that was popular on mainstream television. The band once again threw a jab at their own popularity and stardom by having the announcer include “they’re really big stars!” as the video ended. The fact that the announcer was a joke as a symbol for the mindlessness of 1960s’ mainstream culture and its audience made the remark self-deprecating and sarcastic; even though Nirvana were stars at the time of the video’s release, the audience that made them stars in the video suggested that only the mindless mainstream made the band popular and supported their music.

The humor of the video was disrespectful to, specifically, the mainstream audience of the 1960s and the values of the era. As Cobain said, he believed that the audiences of the 1960s now controlled the mainstream corporations and media. Thus, the disrespect extended both into the past and into the time of the video’s release, in that it mocked the mainstream of both eras of time.

Ideology Identification and Use of Creative Expression

From Nirvana’s own testimony, the band did not appreciate mainstream values or the mainstream’s opinion of and obsession with the band; their ideology can be labeled as a rejection of the mainstream. In these three artifacts, the band used humor as the primary creative tool to rebel against their own mainstream success and mock the mainstream media and audience. More specifically, the band often made use of self-deprecating, disrespectful, and ironic humor to make fun of its own popularity, its mainstream audience, and mainstream television networks. In each artifact, the band was able to reach a mass audience by either performing on a popular television program or submitting a video to be played on a mainstream television network (MTV). To accomplish their goal, the band intertwined several styles of humor with their music, lyrics, and performances to promote their ideology against the mainstream.

Disrespectful humor

In each artifact, the band used humor as a form of disrespect to mainstream television networks, mainstream audiences, and other performers. For both the performances of “Rape Me” and “Lithium,” and “Smells Like Teen Spirit,” the band disrespected the producers of both the MVMA and the Top of the Pops. However, the band’s manner of disrespect varied in both programs. For the MVMA, the band openly disregarded MTV’s command not to play “Rape Me” by performing two bars of the song, ignoring MTV’s discomfort with the band performing the song on the MVMA; during the Top of the Pops, the band mocked the show’s popular custom of miming in order to disrespect the show and its traditions. For the Top of the Pops, Cobain disrespected the program by not giving a true performance on the show; he just mocked his own singing and lyrics. The video for “In Bloom” disrespected the values of the 1960s’ television programs by placing the band in the time period of the 1960s, and having them perform in drag and destroy the set, something that would not have been tolerated on The Ed Sullivan Show because of the traditional, conservative values of the time period. The band also disrespected the show’s host by having him announce that the band was “decent” and “clean-cut”—obvious contrasts to the band’s destruction of the set; the statement made the host appear to be a mindless drone, as he complimented the band even though they had just disrespected his show and his program by destroying his set. Such a gesture suggested that the hosts of the mainstream programs of the 1950s and 1960s (and even the programs at the time the video was released in the 1990s) were mindless, only following the trends of the mainstream by supporting any popular act, regardless of their behavior.

In addition to the networks and those in charge of them, Nirvana also disrespected the mainstream audience of each artifact. Cobain’s lack of interest in performing “Smells Like Teen Spirit” was an insult to the mainstream audience of the Top of the Pops, who likely expected him to perform as if he cared about his own material. The lack of interest in performing his own mainstream song also suggested a lack of interest in performing to a mainstream audience. The performance of the two bars of “Rape Me” during the MVMA indicated that Nirvana held no reverence for the network’s mainstream audience, who tuned in to see mainstream, popular performers. This audience would have included children, so the band effectively disrespected the audience even further by performing a song with an offensive title and lyrics, which would have upset parents and anyone who was offended by the song’s title. The video for “In Bloom” was largely based on the band’s mockery of the mainstream television audience of the 1950s and 1960s, who had become the owners of the mainstream that the band resented at the time of the video’s release. The band poked fun at this audience by playing clips of the audience’s zeal throughout the video, regardless of the band’s actions on the stage, making the audience seem as mindless as the host—willing to follow anything mainstream that was put on the show. As indicated in interviews, the band had problems with commercial bands.  In the video, the band also disrespected other popular bands of the time by dressing up as those bands and exaggerating their onstage personas.

Self-deprecating humor

In each artifact, Nirvana’s self-deprecating humor was evident in the band’s lyrical changes and body language—mostly due to Cobain’s behavior. During “Smells Like Teen Spirit” on the Top of the Pops, Cobain combined lyrical changes with altering his tone of voice and singing off-key. In effect, the band was mocking its own material. During the band’s performance of “Lithium” at the 1992 MVMA Cobain mocked his own lyrics by changing them to make fun of himself (“I’m a turd”; “I’m so retarded”) and sang one line of the lyrics in a childish voice and backed it up with childish hip swings. Both of these performances allowed the band members to mock themselves as a band—the band members were now a mainstream commodity, as they had become stars by the time the performances occurred. In effect, they made fun of their own band in order to make fun of the mainstream. For “In Bloom,” the band used sarcasm to mock its own popularity. The band used the host and the context of the music video (The Ed Sullivan Show) to set up a sarcastic contrast. The members of the band made themselves out to be mainstream teen idols by performing in the style of the pop stars of the 1950s and 1960s. Considering the Nirvana’s anti-mainstream attitude (as expressed in numerous interviews), the video can be considered self-deprecating; once again, the band was mocking its own popularity (“they’re really big stars!”) by pretending to perform on a program that only featured pop music sensations. In effect, the band mocked its own position in mainstream culture by making fun of how popular they had become.

Ironic humor

The use of irony was also present in each form of humor, as the band presented itself as a mainstream commodity to be mocked rather than externalizing their distaste for mainstream success. Nirvana’s performances on mainstream television used mainstream programming against itself by mocking the mainstream on popular shows that featured the band. This was ironic because the band, at its own expense, mocked the traditions and expectations of the mainstream using its own music, lyrics, and performances, and did so by using their own mainstream power to perform on networks that they wanted to ridicule. During the Top of the Pops, the band’s decision to give a lackluster, overly feigned performance and mock their own music was ironic because the band chose not to smash their instruments, a tradition in many of their live shows. This was a rebellious move to counter the expectations of the mainstream producers and audience. The band’s manipulation of their mainstream prowess using a mainstream television network to promote their anti-mainstream attitude was especially present in their performance of “Rape Me” on the MVMA, where the band actually used a song that had become an anthem against the mainstream’s abuse of the band members (especially Cobain) in the media. The video for “In Bloom” ended ironically, as the host continued to compliment the band, calling Nirvana “decent” and “clean-cut,” even after they destroyed the set; the compliments set up the idea that the host was a mindless follower of whatever was popular in the mainstream, regardless of the performer’s behavior.

Shock

The band also used a limited amount of offensive behavior to shock audiences and networks during their performances. The shock components were based on the lyrics of the songs. For the performance of “Smells Like Teen Spirit,” Cobain switched the lines, “load up on guns, bring your friends,” to offensive suggestions—“load up on drugs, kill your friends.” The lines “rape me,” in Nirvana’s performance of the same-titled song, were offensive in themselves, and Nirvana exploited this by performing it regardless of MTV’s discomfort with the song.

Thus, the band’s uses of creative expression did include music, lyricism, and performance, but each of these tools was driven by one overarching form of expression, and in Nirvana’s case, rebellion: humor. One minor form of expression the band used was shock, specifically aimed at the band’s use of lyrics during the performances of their music.

From the analyses of the artifacts and the band’s testimony in interviews, the band’s ideology suggested a consistent distaste for mainstream programming and audiences. Upon further scrutiny, Nirvana denounced the mainstream in several ways, using humor as their primary creative tool, and their music, lyrics, video, and performances as their secondary creative tools. The band’s use of each tool differed with every artifact, but essentially the ideology that the mainstream (and even success) was something to be mocked prevailed in each artifact. Nirvana scoffed at becoming mainstream and popular; their attitude toward the mainstream was one of disregard and disrespect, even though the band had become part of the mainstream. To promote this ideology, the band members used humor to present their attitude in music, lyrics, performances, and video.

Regarding Standpoint Theory, Nirvana’s use of creative expression against the mainstream created an interesting case study for master-slave relationships in society. From the research, it can be inferred that Nirvana was the “slave,” and the mainstream was the “master,” forcing the band into stardom. Those in charge of the mainstream were the oppressors, trying to influence the band’s behavior in performance and video. Theorists Hartsock, Jaggar, and Harding wrote that “through their oppression, women are exposed to experiences from which men are sheltered…the oppression they share with other women both invites and forces them to develop a language in which they can share insights…” (Cameron 20).  Similarly, scholars can look at Nirvana as an example of an oppressed group that possessed insight not available to the mainstream. Thus, the band was cognitively privileged with an understanding of reality that the mainstream could not reach as an oppressive group. Their use of disrespectful humor could suggest an arrogant attitude, as if the band suggested that they were into something that the mainstream could not be a part of and would not understand.

The hypotheses were shown to be partially correct in the research. Hypothesis 1 (“Nirvana’s ideology advocated a rebellion against mainstream values, including those that promote rock stardom, sexism, and racism”) was found to be true concerning mainstream rock stardom, but the band’s behavior in the artifacts did not suggest a rebellion against any other set of mainstream values. Hypothesis 2 (“Nirvana used a variety of creative mediums to support their ideology”) was also partially true, as the band made use of music, lyrics, performance, and video, but only when humor was involved did these tools become rebellious against the mainstream. Nirvana’s ideology only surfaced when the band used humor to promote an ideology, as opposed to using, for example, lyrical changes that specifically denounced mainstream success.

Implications

Concerning Nirvana, the band continued to thrive and make appearances on mainstream television, despite claiming that the mainstream was an antagonist of the band and their music. This could have been because their major label, DGC, pushed them to make such appearances. However, as Cobain said, the band would have been comfortable leaving the label and returning to the underground at any point in time. So, despite being weary of the mainstream media and success, the band continued to perform large-scale, popular venues such as MTV Unplugged in New York until the band dissolved. This set up an inherent contradiction within the band’s motives. If Nirvana was so ill of their mainstream success, why did they not simply return to an underground label in order to receive less attention? From readings that were beyond the scope of this research, the researcher inferred that the primary songwriter of the band, Cobain, desired the success and attention of being a rock star, but did not want the responsibility and baggage that came with it, as Grohl clarified in an interview. Nirvana’s thrust into the mainstream, however unexpected, afforded the band an interesting and paradoxical opportunity: they were able to expose their music to a wider audience at the expense of their own personal well-being. One can only speculate as to why the band continued in this path. It could be argued that the band suffered for their music, but the band could simply have also enjoyed the money and stardom, even if they did not originally set out to become stars with their music.

Assuming that Nirvana truly loathed the mainstream, their behavior could have actually impeded their struggle to become anti-mainstream. Many of Nirvana’s performances actually contributed to the band’s notoriety, out of the absurdity of the band’s behavior. As a result, more people could have been turned on to the band by seeing or reading about their outrageous performances. If the mainstream audience enjoyed the band’s sense of humor, regardless of the anti-mainstream attitude, the band’s performances could have made them even more popular with the mainstream crowd, rather than removing them from the mainstream. By blatantly disregarding mainstream norms, the band’s actions could have actually generated more interest in the band, co-opting them even further into the mainstream.

The band’s ideology during these performances shared many ideals with the punk generation of the 1970s. Both punk bands and Nirvana shared a public disapproval of mainstream values, using outrageous and shocking behaviors to promote their ideologies, and were disrespectful toward mainstream values, audiences, and society. This indicated a strong correlation between the influence of punk and Nirvana’s use of creative expression. As expressed by Cobain and Grunge music in general, punk was the predominant influence of the band and the culture. It would not be surprising that the band’s love for punk music extended into an adoration of punk ethics as well. Both punk bands and Nirvana shared a mutual distaste for commercial rock stars; punk values decreed that rock stars destroyed and devalued their art in order to be successful. Given the influence of punk on Nirvana, it is likely that punk influenced the band’s perception of other bands in the industry—other rock stars forsook their artistic integrity in order to become famous and mainstream. Nirvana also indicated that they simply wanted to perform music rather than become rock stars, which was a very punk sentiment considering punk’s pro-art and anti-mainstream stance. Cobain said he did not care whether or not the band got in the top ten, and Noveselic was only enthused that the mainstream were being attracted to different types of music. From their statements, the band members were interested in the music, not the fame.

Part IV

Summary and Conclusion

            Summary of Research

            The review of literature provided a wealth of information that was used in answering the research question. The question itself evolved from the ideas developed within Standpoint Theory over the past years. Standpoint Theory explores the vantage point of oppressed groups, who tend to be under-represented by oppressors—those with the ability to define points of view. Standpoint Theory attempts to identify the attitudes, values, and beliefs of oppressed groups and how these oppressed groups define their realities. One way oppressed groups can rebel against oppression is by using creative expression. Art, music, and dance have all been ways in which oppressed groups have rebelled against their oppressors.

            1970s Punk Rock was a movement that exemplified such a rebellion. Members that shared the ideology of punks in the 1970s used music and shock to advocate a negative attitude toward mainstream rock stars, values, and society. Not surprisingly, many punk bands during this time period held a left-wing political stance.

            According to many sources, punk music made an enormous impact on the Grunge scene, as several bands and producers within the culture were heavily influenced by punk music and values. Grunge culture thrived in Seattle from 1986-1994. The music of the movement was characterized by heavy, distorted guitars and loud live performances. The musicians detested the influence of the mainstream on their community, and indicated in interviews that the media’s attention to Seattle during that time helped destroy the community that the musicians had formed.

            Nirvana was characterized as part of the Grunge culture, although the band was formed outside of Seattle. The band’s second album, Nevermind, rose to the top of the Billboard charts, much to the surprise of the band members and those affiliated with the group. The album’s breakthrough success brought alternative rock into the mainstream and established Nirvana as rock stars. The band dissolved after Kurt Cobain’s suicide in 1994.

             The band held a very rigid, negative view of the mainstream’s appreciation of music. In numerous interviews, the band members claimed that the mainstream was something that they did not want to be part of. Nor did they appreciate the amount of mainstream success Nirvana was having. Cobain, in particular, loathed the attention he and his wife were receiving in the press, and took his frustrations out on MTV, as the network contributed to the gossip surrounding the couple’s already-tainted reputation. However, the band had unwittingly become part of the mainstream that they detested.

            The artifacts of the research revealed key patterns in identifying Nirvana’s attitude toward the mainstream and the band’s use of creative expression to rebel against it. The most significant ideological pattern was the band’s distaste of and disregard for the mainstream. The most common and important form of creative expression used to promote this ideology was humor, which was prevalent in all aspects of the band’s creative expression—music, lyrics, performance, and video. More specifically, Nirvana used disrespectful, self-deprecating, and ironic humor to promote their ideology against the mainstream. Shock was also used as a minor tool.

            Limitations of Research

            The main limitation of my research project was time, which affected the number of artifacts that could be chosen for analysis. Originally the researcher wanted to use two more artifacts—the album jacket for Incesticide and an interview titled “Nirvana: Crucified by Success?”—in which Cobain described in detail his dissatisfaction with the media’s portrayal of him and his wife, and his level of disgust with how people treated him after he became successful. Three artifacts were chosen in the research based on the number of people that would have the opportunity to be exposed to them and that most clearly promoted the band’s ideology. However, the research was limited to artifacts that most precisely conveyed the band’s ideology toward the mainstream. This bias left out many possible artifacts that could have also contributed to Nirvana’s anti-mainstream ideology, and increased the ways that the band promoted that ideology. For example, the research found that several of the song lyrics made negative references to the mainstream—“In Bloom” was about mainstream audiences not understanding the music, but singing along with the songs anyway; “Smells Like Teen Spirit” was about bored, inattentive audiences that expected only commercialized mainstream entertainment; “Rape Me” became a denouncement of the media. The lyrics of these songs could have been used as artifacts in themselves, had more time been available. The researcher suspects that he would have found more instances of creative expression that used only lyricism, art, or music, without using humor to carry the message.

            Another limitation of the research was not having commentary from the band to discuss the details of the performances and video. The research could only be developed from a rough outline of the band’s intentions, the events leading up to a performance, or the opinions of other authors. Thus, much of the research was subject to my interpretation of the artifacts; as a result, the research was based solely on my perception of the band’s behavior.

Suggestions for Future Research

Some implications of the research warrant future study in communication theory. A researcher could expand on this study by drawing more artifacts into the Ideological Criticism, in order to find more ways that Nirvana incorporated humor as a creative tool in their rebellion. Many artifacts outside of Nirvana, such as political cartoons, also use humor as a creative tool to rebel against oppressive groups. A researcher could study other oppressed groups in order to understand the different methods that humor has been used to rebel against oppressive regimes. In a more sociological approach, one could study the culture that enabled Nirvana to promote their ideology successfully, and the messages that led the band to become accepted into the mainstream. Another expansion of the study could be research that examines how those that are part of a group in power (such as Nirvana within the mainstream) use creative expression to bring themselves and their group down when they are dissatisfied with the group’s ideology—as Nirvana brought themselves down with self-deprecating humor in order to bring down the mainstream. Essentially, a study of this sort would look at how groups in control (and that are oppressive) use communication to destroy their own oppressive ideology.

Nirvana’s lyrics lend themselves to further examination, as a researcher could feasibly discover the patterns of an ideology using the lyrics alone; the title of this research project was derived from a line from “In Bloom,” —“they know not what it means”—which was a slam against mainstream audiences who listen to music but do not understand the meanings of songs. The lyrics warrant a Metaphoric Criticism in order to understand the meanings behind Cobain’s words. Following the Metaphoric Criticism, a researcher could employ an Ideological Criticism in order to examine how the lyrics revealed ideologies outside of Nirvana’s rejection of the mainstream.

Many of Nirvana’s values concerning the mainstream shared a similar attitude with Punk Rock. It would be interesting to compare the ideology of Nirvana and the ideology of a punk band such as the Sex Pistols to find any correlations between ideologies. In a similar fashion, it would also be interesting to look at how the Grunge movement as a whole reflected Nirvana’s anti-mainstream mentality, and if any other Grunge bands used similar creative tools to promote an anti-mainstream ideology.

Regarding communication theory, the band’s behavior offered a specific application of humor as a creative resource to rebel against an oppressive group—in this case, the mainstream. When put into the paradigm of Standpoint Theory, Nirvana became an oppressed underground band that did not want mainstream success, and the oppressors became the mainstream audience and media that forced them into mainstream success. It would be interesting to compare other bands as victims of success, as it would become a study of Standpoint Theory that involved musical figures rather than groups oppressed by gender, race, or socio-economic status. These groups have been the prevailing subjects for the majority of applications using Standpoint Theory; it would be interesting to explore groups that were oppressed because of self-imposed ethics rather than biological background.

Conclusion

            Nirvana used their popularity as a platform to ridicule the mainstream. To do this, the band members employed many instances of humor in their art. Their reasons for this seemed to stem from the media’s invasion of their privacy and their already-established disregard for mainstream success. Shows such as the MTV Video Music Awards and the Top of the Pops allowed the band to showcase their distaste for the mainstream by abusing the privilege of performing live, where they altered their performances to mock themselves, the producers, and the audience in an attempt to deride the mainstream. Nirvana’s actions can be perceived as either a hopeful step forward in artistic integrity, or a sophomoric attempt to receive attention—like class clowns, with the mainstream as both their classmates and the subjects of their jokes. In Nirvana’s case, the band’s propulsion into the mainstream came as a surprise, but rather than accept their place in the mainstream, they chose to ridicule it by making fun of themselves, other commercial bands, and their audiences. Whether the band members were viewed as artists who compromised their personal lives for their art, or were just attention-seeking comedians in their behavior is debatable. However, their choice to rebel against an oppressive mainstream is evident in the band’s ideology, as an oppressed group seeking refuge from the watchful eye of the mainstream media and public.

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